We are entering the season of politics. The 2026 elections are most important in determining the future direction the United States will take under its current form of government. Early voting has started in Illinois, and their primary is on 17 March, St. Patrick’s day, fitting for Chicago.
In an age of cynicism and calculation, when politics seems reduced to power plays and partisan warfare, there exists a different kind of political actor—one we might call the “hopeless romantic.” These are leaders whose political imagination is animated not by fear or expedience, but by love, hope, and an audacious belief in the possibility of the common good.
This isn’t naïveté. It’s something far more radical: the refusal to let the brutal realities of political life extinguish the vision of what could be.
Beyond Cynicism and Calculation
Thomas Merton understood this tension deeply. In his writings on contemplation and action, he warned against the “innocent” activists who rush into political engagement without spiritual grounding. Still, he equally condemned those who retreat into piety while the world burns. The hopeless romantic politician embodies what Merton called “contemplative action”—engagement rooted not in ego or ideology, but in a deeper vision of human solidarity and dignity.
“We are living through the greatest crisis in the history of man,” Merton wrote, “and this crisis is centered precisely in the country that has made a fetish out of action and has lost (or perhaps never had) the sense of contemplation.” The politician as hopeless romantic refuses this false dichotomy, bringing both vision and action, as well as moral imagination and practical commitment.
Dietrich Bonhoeffer, writing from a Nazi prison, articulated a similar insight when he spoke of “religionless Christianity” and the need for faith that engages the world as it is. His concept of “costly grace” applies perfectly to political hope: it’s not cheap optimism that ignores structural evil, but rather hope that accepts the cost of transformation while refusing to abandon the vision of justice. Bonhoeffer’s own political resistance—rooted in love of neighbor and commitment to human dignity—exemplifies the hopeless romantic who acts because the alternative is moral death.
The See-Judge-Act Framework: A Method for Discernment
How do we identify and support such politicians in our own time? The See-Judge-Act method, rooted in Christian social teaching, offers a disciplined spirituality of political engagement that moves us beyond both cynical dismissal and uncritical hero-worship.
SEE: Reading the Signs with Clear Eyes
Marshall McLuhan taught us that “the medium is the message”—that is, how we communicate shapes what we communicate. In politics, this means looking not just at what politicians say, but at the entire ecology of their communication and action. We must observe:
Their record across multiple issues: Do they consistently vote for the dignity of workers, migrants, the marginalized, and creation itself? Or do they merely adopt one “signature issue” for branding while abandoning the comprehensive vision of justice?
Whose interests they risk offending: Real hope is costly. Do they cross party lines to protect the vulnerable? Challenge powerful donors when justice demands it? Break with their political base to stand for unpopular truths?
Their rhetoric and style: McLuhan also reminded us that we shape our tools, and then our tools shape us. Does their language humanize opponents and acknowledge complexity, or does it traffic in fear, contempt, and the dehumanization that makes transformation impossible?
Consistency over time: Hope isn’t a campaign strategy. Does their commitment to the common good persist when it’s no longer fashionable or politically advantageous?
This “See” work isn’t passive observation. In parish halls and community centers, in small groups that gather testimonies and examine the local impact of policies, we train ourselves to read political reality with neither cynicism nor credulity.
JUDGE: Discernment in Light of Truth
Mortimer Adler spent his life arguing for the great conversation—the idea that truth emerges through rigorous dialogue with the wisdom of the ages. Political discernment requires the same approach. We must bring what we observe into conversation with the deepest truths we know: the Gospel, the tradition of Christian social teaching, and the accumulated wisdom about human dignity, solidarity, subsidiarity, the option for the poor, and care for creation.
Adler believed that democracy requires educated citizens capable of moral reasoning. The Judge phase embodies this: we put politicians’ records alongside principles and name both convergences and tensions. We ask hard questions: Is their “romanticism” mere rhetoric, or does it translate into concrete structural reforms? Does their vision align with human flourishing as we understand it through reason and revelation?
This phase guards against two equal dangers. On one side lies naïve idealization—the temptation to make heroes of politicians who merely speak our language. On the other lies cynical despair—the assumption that all politics is equally corrupt and that hope itself is delusion.
Bonhoeffer’s concept of “cheap grace” warns us here: we cannot offer uncritical support that demands nothing, but neither can we demand impossible purity that paralyzes all action. We pray, discern, and remain in the tension of both affirmation and accountability.
ACT: Strategic Support and Accountable Engagement
Merton insisted that contemplation without action becomes escapism, while action without contemplation becomes violence. The Act phase brings these together in concrete, strategic support that remains both committed and critical.
This might look like:
Public advocacy for just initiatives: Writing letters, organizing forums, joining coalitions that support specific policies—on housing, immigration, environmental stewardship, peace—that embody the common good.
Issue-based mobilization: Rather than personality cults, we educate communities about how specific proposals align with principles of justice, inviting them to participate in democratic processes.
Direct engagement: Meeting with officials, sharing stories from our communities, offering encouragement for costly stands while also naming concerns when they fall short.
Building grassroots structures: Supporting movements and organizations that give romantic visions real political weight through organizing, advocacy, and strategic action.
McLuhan warned that we enter the future walking backward, eyes fixed on the past. The hopeless romantic politician—and those who support them—must instead learn to read the present moment with clarity while holding fast to a vision of transformation.
The Transformative Power of Political Hope
What makes this approach transformative rather than merely reformist? Three insights:
First, it changes us. Adler believed education was about the transformation of character, not mere information transfer. Engaging in See-Judge-Act doesn’t just identify good politicians; it forms us into citizens capable of democratic virtue, moral reasoning, and sustained commitment.
Second, it challenges the system. Bonhoeffer understood that true resistance requires challenging not just bad actors but corrupt structures. Supporting hopeless romantics in politics means building alternative political cultures—spaces where compassion, long-term thinking, and commitment to the marginalized aren’t liabilities but strengths.
Third, it witnesses to transcendent hope. Merton wrote that the monk’s task is to keep humanity’s hope alive. The political hopeless romantic—and the communities that support them—perform a similar prophetic function: insisting that another world is possible, that love can shape law, that dignity can become policy.
A Practical Exercise for Communities
For those ready to engage this work:
See: Choose one politician (local or national) and gather concrete data. Look at voting records, public statements, local impacts on vulnerable communities, and creation. Who benefits from their policies? Whose interests do they challenge?
Judge: In small groups, compare findings with core principles. Use Gospel texts, social teaching, and moral philosophy. Ask honestly: Where do we see genuine hope for the common good? Where do we see compromise or failure?
Act: Choose one specific step—a public letter, a meeting request, an educational event, a coalition to join. Then schedule a follow-up to assess impact and discern next steps.
This cycle repeats, progressively forming consciences and reshaping political culture.
Conclusion: The Necessity of Romance
In his prison letters, Bonhoeffer wrote: “We must be ready to allow ourselves to be interrupted by God.” Political hope requires the same openness—the willingness to be interrupted by visions of justice that clash with what seems pragmatic or possible.
McLuhan observed that most innovations happen at the margins, where different systems meet and create new possibilities. The hopeless romantic in politics operates at precisely these margins—between idealism and realism, between prophetic witness and practical governance, between what is and what could be.
Merton reminded us that we are called to be saints, not successful. Adler taught us that democracy requires citizens capable of thinking about the good life, not just private interests.
The hopeless romantic politician invites us into a different kind of political participation: one marked by love rather than fear, by long-term vision rather than short-term calculation, by solidarity rather than tribalism. They remind us that politics, at its best, is not about power but about how we live together, how we care for the vulnerable, how we steward creation, how we build the common good.
This is not a retreat from political realism but its deepest form: the recognition that without hope, without love, without some vision of human flourishing beyond mere survival or advantage, politics becomes simply organized violence dressed in procedural legitimacy.
The question for us is not whether such politicians exist—they do, though often unrecognized and unsupported. The question is whether we have eyes to see them, hearts to discern with them, and courage to act alongside them in the difficult, beautiful work of political transformation.
In a cynical age, to be a hopeless romantic is an act of resistance. To support them is an act of faith. And to join them in the work is to accept the costly grace of political hope—hope that transforms not just policies but the very soul of our common life.
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